The Rwandan Debacle: Disguising Poverty as an Economic Miracle

Recently the Financial Times published an investigation carried out by their data analysis team, which confirmed the findings that have been published on roape.net on poverty in Rwanda over several years. Of all the countries in the world for which there is data, only South Sudan has experienced a faster increase in poverty over the past decade. Rwanda’s official poverty statistics are verifiably false. The government, supported by the World Bank, is involved in a tragic debacle in which the poor are the real victims. 

On 13 August 13 2019, the Financial Times published a lengthy investigation carried out by their data analysis team, which confirmed the findings that had been published on roape.net by several academics, regarding poverty in Rwanda. In particular, the Financial Times confirmed that the 7 percentage points decrease in poverty reported by the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda(NISR) in 2016 , and endorsed by the World Bank in 2018, corresponded to an inflation rate of 4.71% for the period 2011-2014, that is, much lower than the total national CPI inflation for that same period (23%).

NISR responded by denying that they had deflated consumption by 4.71%, and saying that the comparison with CPI inflation was inappropriate because they had used a completely different methodology, called a Cost of Living Index (COLI), which ‘adjusts household consumption for each household, for each of the 12 months of the survey, in each of Rwanda’s five provinces.’   Surprisingly, however, they did not clarify by how much their COLI had deflated consumption between the two surveys in each of the five provinces, as would have been expected following their rejection of the FT’s figure.

NISR’s line of defense is almost identical to the one published a few months earlier by the World Bank, which had claimed, without providing alternative estimates nor explanations for the discrepancy, that ‘there is no clear theory to guarantee that the national average of COLIs and the national CPI need to be consistent’. In reality, a COLI is just a combined spatial and temporal price index calculated for the subsample of the population living in poverty, so there are, actually, very strong theoretical reasons why the two should be comparable and should, in most cases, yield fairly similar results, as pointed out by the World Bank’s former director of research and former acting chief economist, Martin Ravallion.

Despite these statements, most observers, including the authors of this blog, had, until recently, assumed this whole affair to be nothing more than a terrible mistake or an embarrassing oversight on part of the World Bank – or , as Justin Sandefur put it, a case of ‘NISR ma[king] convenient choices – perhaps choices WB couldn’t categorically call “wrong”.’ Any such doubts about the World Bank’s complicity, should now have been dispelled by their third public endorsement, without new supporting evidence, of NISR’s increasingly indefensible results. Indeed, in their latest press statement, published in response to the FT’s story, the World Bank did not only fail, for the third time, to address the legitimate and simple questions raised by various independent researchers, they decided to dig in their heels and accuse the FT  of having used the wrong deflator:

the appropriate deflator for measuring poverty is not the Consumer Price Index or GDP deflator, but rather a composite “cost-of-living” index that is representative of the food and non-food consumption choices of poor households as well as the unit prices they face in the markets where they purchase goods and services. Poor households consume a diet that is less diverse and relies more on self-produced (especially in rural areas), basic, and cheaper staples.

This ambiguously worded press statement is particularly disingenuous and incriminating in that it hints, without stating so explicitly (because they know that that would be wrong), that the FT over-estimated poverty because they failed to account for the fact that poor people consume ‘cheaper’ goods than those included in the CPI. That is, in any case, how the statement was interpreted by Rwanda’s government officials, official media, and the army of Rwandan twitter trolls, who all quoted the World Bank press statement, claiming that it vindicated NISR’s numbers because the FT had used the ‘wrong deflator.’

As the World Bank’s experts know, however, what is at issue here are not the absolute levels of prices faced by poor households, but the rate of change in those prices. The fact that the World Bank did not, despite having all the data needed to do so, provide any indication as to what that rate of change might have been, is surprising, to say the least, since this could, by their own admission, have helped to settle this issue once and for all.

Fortunately, that evidence is already available in two blogposts on roape.net, including the work presented by Sam Desiere in 2017 and in another recent blogpost. This shows unequivocally that the (cheaper) food items consumed by poor people in rural areas increased more in price than the (expensive) items consumed by rich urban households, resulting in a food inflation of over 30% for poor households for the period 2011 to 2014. There is a simple explanation for this, which is that markets function better in urban areas, with better access to imported food, which makes them less vulnerable to adverse domestic production shocks.

And since poor households consume proportionally more food than non-poor households, that higher food-inflation rate weighed more heavily in the total final inflation faced by poor households, than in the inflation of non-poor households. This means that poor households faced unambiguously higher total (food + non-food) inflation than non-poor households over the period 2011 to 2014. This result is robust and holds for all publicly available price data sets (CPI, EICV, ESOKO), as the World Bank knows, since they have the data.

In other words, if NISR and the World Bank had computed their COLI correctly, it should have shown a total inflation rate for poor households that is higher than the national CPI inflation rate of 23% percent for this period, not lower as NISR and the World Bank suggest. The onus should therefore now be on the World Bank and NISR to explain why their estimate is lower than all alternative estimates of inflation that can be computed from publicly available data sources. They would also need to explain what price data source they used to compute their COLI, and why they think that this, as yet unnamed, price data source is more appropriate for estimating poor-inflation than the standard data sources that have always been used for this purpose in the past.

Below, we copy figure 1 from the World Bank (2018) paper, which plots the actual COLI used by NISR in each of the 5 Rwandan provinces over the 12 months of the EICV3 and EICV4 surveys (Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey).[1] If NISR had accounted for inflation between the two surveys, their COLI should have jumped by an amount corresponding to the appropriate inflation rate in each province between the end of the EICV3 survey (October 2011, written as 1110 in the graph) and the start of the EICV4 survey (October 2013, denoted by 1310). As the graph clearly shows, however, this is not the case. In all provinces, except Kigali, the October 2013 COLI is almost identical to the October 2011 one. In the Southern province, it is even slightly lower, which would imply a negative inflation rate. FULL STORY

About Chris Kamo

Great Lakes Post is a news aggregation website run by Chris Kamo and the site consists of links to stories for from all over the world about life and current events .

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